Microhistories A microhistory is a close
examination of a very specific action, usually an attack, which happened during
a much larger battle. Such detailed investigations are becoming more popular as
the ongoing explosion in communications highlights the well-trodden ground of
general histories relating to the more popular conflicts such as the Napoleonic
Wars, The American Civil War and World War Two. A prime example is a recently
published work which gives a detailed account of Pickett's Charge during the
Battle of Gettysburg in 1863. This welcome development in the area of writing
and research reveals the "silent demand" for military history research and
related works. Hopefully the future will see more work of this kind as
researchers and enthusiasts big ever deeper into the mountains of records,
accounts and artifacts still remaining from these tragic struggles.
The
microhistory below represents an effort to shed new light on a famous event
which occurred at the end of Marengo. As the Austrian pursuit column and
Boudet's division fought each other to a standstill, French General
Kellermann's brigade of heavy cavalry charged into the left flank of the
Austrians, who immediately surrendered. This shocking incident was notable in
many respects. Not only was it unusual for so many elite infantry to surrender
en-masse under such conditions, but the results of the victory quite literally
changed the course of European history. Also worth noting is the rancorous
disagreement which followed, mostly regarding the inspiration for the charge
itself. Like the death of the Red Baron many years later, the final cavalry
charge at Marengo brought forth several competing views of those last moments,
with the key participants sometimes giving the most divergent views. This
problem may never be solved, but we can at least attempt to present all
possible views and assess each of them for their merits.
Marengo Microhistory : Kellermann's Charge The
finale to Marengo was profoundly influenced by General François
Kellermann's brilliantly executed cavalry charge against the Austrian column
which was threatening the French center. This charge has long been portrayed as
a purely spontaneous act, conceived and executed by an observant cavalry
officer who saw what needed to be done and acted, saving the day and his
nation.
However, there are problems with the spontaneous act story;
first, the very subject of the charge itself is fraught with partisan accounts,
many of which are just as heavily based on opinion as actual facts. Second;
there is the problem as to how a cavalry officer stationed several hundred
yards (400 hundred yards according to Kellermann) to the right rear of an
echeloned division managed to spot and identify an enemy formation which lay on
the far side of a vineyard to the left front of the aforementioned adjoining
division. Even well known combat reports state that the Austrian column itself
could not see much of Desaix's division until it was almost on top of it, so
visibility across the ground held by Desaix was obviously not good.
Also, as will be seen, even Napoleon was mostly uninformed
as to the true nature of the advancing Austrians, another indicator that the
front of the main Austrian pursuit column was not clearly distinguishable from
the rest of the Austrian troops which were also to the front of the French
positions. Keeping this in mind, both General Berthier, effectively the
Chief-of-Staff for the French Army, and General Savary, Desaix's aide-de-camp
at Marengo, stated later that Napoleon ordered Kellermann to charge, with
Savary further stating that it was at Desaix's request. According to
Berthier:
"Dans ce moment Bonaparte
ordonne à la cavalerie qu'il avait conserveé en resérve,
en arrière de la droite de la division Desaix, de passer au galop par
les intervalles, et de charger avec impétuosité cette formidable
colonne de grenadiers..."
TRANSLATION: " At that
moment Bonaparte ordered the cavalry held in reserve to the right rear of
Desaix's division, to pass at the gallop through the intervals, and charge with
elan that tremendous column of
grenadiers" Savary's relation of the incident
from the first volume of his 1828 memoir was more personal, and therefore
especially interesting. As it begins, he is receiving instruction from Desaix
regarding the precarious nature of the impending counterattack:
" 'Tell him
[Napoleon] that I cannot wait any longer ; that I am without any cavalry, and
that he must direct a bold charge to be made upon the flank of that column,
whilst I shall charge it in front.' ... I delivered my message to him, and
after listening to it with attention, he reflected a moment, and addressed
me...'have you well examined the column?' ...'Yes, General' ...'Is it very
numerous?'...'Extremely so, General'...'Is Desaix uneasy about it?' ...'He only
appeared uneasy as to the consequences that might result from hesitation. I
must add his having particularly desired I should tell you that it was useless
to send any other order than that he should attack or retreat - one or the
other ; and the latter movement would be at least as hazardous as the first.'
"
" 'If this be the
case,' said the First Consul, ' Let him attack : I shall go in person to give
him the order. You will repair yonder (pointing to a black spot in the plain),
and there find General Kellermann, who is in command of that cavalry you now
see ; tell him what you have just communicated to me, and desire him to charge
the enemy without hesitation as soon as Desaix shall commence his attack. You
will also remain with him, and point out the spot through which Desaix is to
debouch ; for Kellermann does not even know that he is with the army.'
"
" I obeyed, and
found Kellermann at the head of about six hundred troopers, the residue of the
cavalry which had been constantly engaged the whole day. I gave him the orders
from the First Consul. I had scarcely delivered my message when a fire of
musketry was heard to proceed from the left...it was the opening attack of
General Desaix."
" Kellermann had
put himself in motion as soon as he heard the firing. He rushed upon that
formidable column, penetrated it from left to right, and broke it into several
bodies."
If this account is accurate, it is full of valuable details
regarding the last moments of Marengo. First of all, it likely includes some of
Desaix' final recorded words. More importantly, it explicitly states that
Kellermann was operating under orders when he charged, an act not so
unbelievable when viewed from a soldier's perspective. Another interesting
detail is that even Napoleon did not know the specifics of the advancing
Austrian column. His questioning of Savary reveals that only the troops
immediately to its front were really getting a good look at that formidable
column of Austrians. That French headquarters was still in control of the
process of issuing orders however, is reinforced by Joseph Petit, who stated
that when the Austrians approached, orders "flew everywhere in a moment,"
indicating a continuing control over the conduct of the battle.
As for Kellermann himself, as early as 1818 he claimed very
openly that the inspiration for the charge was his alone. ¹ He and his supporters always
maintained that the only orders he received were very general operational
orders to support Boudet's division, and that the French counterattack was
being repulsed at the moment of his charge. In 1834 he responded to the claims
and counterclaims of his own conduct at Marengo with the following tersely
worded reply:
" Cette action
decisive et imprévue ne fut ni préparée ni combinée
; elle fut moins longue à exécuter qu'à raconter.
L'armée francaise aurait eu le temps d'être culbutée, si un
ordre avait du être transmis pour l'exécution de cette charge. Le
général Kellermann avait reçu l'ordre d'appuyer Desaix, ce
qui implique l'ordre de charger dans un moment favorable ; mais l'intelligence
de ce moment, l'inspiration soudaine qui l'a fait réussir appartient au
général Kellermann"
TRANSLATION: " This
decisive and unforeseen action was neither prepared nor combined ; it took less
time to execute than to tell. The French Army would have had the time to be
toppled, if an order had to be transmitted for the execution of this charge.
General Kellermann received the order to support Desaix, which implies the
order to charge in a favorable moment ; but the intelligence of this moment,
the sudden inspiration that made it succeed belongs to General Kellermann.
"
Modern readers must understand the atmosphere surrounding
this issue, and hence the rather confused reading of Kellermann's statement.
The accusations and recriminations following the Napoleonic Wars went on for
years after Napoleon's final exile. The royalist government took a dim view of
those who had participated so successfully in the revolutionary and Napoleonic
forces, and this does not even begin to address the rancorous arguments between
those who felt that the revolution had been betrayed. It is not surprising
then, that Kellermann would surround a terse third person ² acknowledgment of having received
an order ("...General Kellermann received the order to support Desaix...") with
a great deal of language meant to reinforce and enhance his own role that day,
a subject which will be covered further on in this article.
The important point is that this statement by Kellermann
only partially agrees with Savary's account. Both acknowledge that Kellermann
was ordered to support Desaix, but Kellermann maintains that his orders were
general support orders. Savary on the other hand, spent six pages of his 1828
memoirs reciting a detailed account of the entire event in which he
emphatically maintained that Kellermann received explicit orders to charge at a
particular moment in a particular place. In the first volume of his 1828
Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, Savary claimed to have spoken with Kellermann
about this very issue and recalled the conversation in this way:
" After the fall of
the Imperial Government some pretended friends of General Kellermann have
presumed to claim for him the merit of originating the charge of cavalry...As
we were conversing one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my
having brought him the First Consul's orders, and he appeared not to have
forgotten that fact. "
Later, at the end of the third volume in the series, Savary
re-opened the "Kellermann case" upon discovery that Kellermann and other
undisclosed friends were indeed claiming full credit for the final victory. The
most glaring detail to come out of Savary's third volume rebuttal is the claim
that Kellermann actually argued with him momentarily upon receiving his orders
to support Boudet. According to Savary, Kellermann claimed that his troops were
too tired to execute an attack. Savary claims to have avoided mentioning this
detail in his earlier volume, but supposedly felt forced to mention it given
the ongoing claims with which he so strongly disagreed. This one claim alone
raises the stakes of the competing views, not the least because it casts a
considerable pall over the writings of either Savary or Kellermann. It remains
to be seen which is the most accurate.
There are of course, several primary sources who support the
position that Kellermann originated the idea for the charge. Colonel Lejeune
stated such points without hesitation. And while he was indeed Berthier's
aide-de-camp, his memoirs have few tangible details, giving only a brief and
fleeting glimpse of the fighting at Marengo. His painting of the battle, while
interesting, was executed with an eye for drama and not for technical accuracy.
Some of the many questionable details in the painting include the depiction of
Kellermann's cavalry charge sweeping in from the right side of the Austrian
pursuit column instead of the left, and the portrayal of the artist himself as
well as Napoleon and Berthier on the scene of the final action, with the later
even shown as being out in front of the French lines. The painting itself was
apparently commissioned by Berthier, which may explain the dramatic distortion
of the scene.
As for other officers in that area of the field at the time,
Marshal Auguste Marmont was at Marengo as general in charge of artillery, and
has often been quoted in order to support the spontaneous charge idea, with the
most commonly used quote being:
"It is absurd and
unjust to gainsay the glory of this memorable circumstance and the immense
service that it has rendered."
Even this less than descriptive line however, is drawn from
a section of Marmont's personal memoirs which also specifically mentions
Kellermann as having been under general orders to support Desaix:
" Kellermann avait
été mis aux ordres du général Desaix; il avait pour
instruction de suivre le mouvement des troupes et de charger quand il verrait
l'ennemi en désordre et l'occasion favorable. "
TRANSLATION: "
Kellermann had been under orders of general Desaix; he had instructions to
follow the movement of the troops and to charge when he saw the enemy in
disorder and the opportunity favorable ."
This closely matches Kellermann's position that he was under
general orders, but that the actual inspiration of the charge itself was his
own. In either case, Marmont was busy giving direct fire support to Boudet's
division and does not appear to have been present either at French Headquarters
or with Kellermann's division at the time of the charge. So his opinions
regarding Kellermann's inspiration or lack thereof can not carry the same
weight as those who were on the scene at French Headquarters or Kellermann's
brigade.
Another witness to the battle was Marshal Soult, who was
held prisoner at the time in nearby Alessandria. He witnessed the battle from a
distance, and so was hardly in a position to know the nature of Kellermann's
orders. Soult mentioned in his memoirs that Napoleon ordered Kellermann to make
the charge, but as with Marmont, he was not in a position to really know this
first hand, and so his account is most likely representative of his
opinion.
Finally, we come to Napoleon and Desaix, two of the small
group of people who knew most about what happened that day. Sadly, Desaix died
at the start of his counterattack, and probably did not even live long enough
even to utter the last words attributed to him. ³ In the years following Marengo,
Napoleon was to utterly confuse this issue by blatantly manipulating much of
the information available about this battle. This gave natural rise to beliefs
that all things officially stated about the battle were false. The 1806 report
by Berthier is possibly suspect in some places, and such actions would have
reinforced any convictions Kellermann might have had as to whether his valid
role was properly recognized. That Napoleon somehow refused to recognize any of
Kellermann's part in the battle is doubtful, given what Savary also had to say
about that:
" [The First
Consul] often did me the pleasure in recurring to the events of this action,
and often did me the honor to tell me what deep uneasiness it had given him
until the moment when Kellermann executed the charge, which wholly altered its
aspect."
Several times during the course of his reign, Napoleon
intervened in order to rescue Kellermann from various forms of trouble. In one
case, Kellermann personally visited the palace in Paris to repute an accusation
against him. According to a witness, Napoleon said to Kellermann that he only
needed to think of Marengo and no more justification need be made. If accurate,
this short conversation clearly demonstrates the ongoing appreciation which
Napoleon had for Kellermann's charge at Marengo. Despite these private
accounts, the public relationship between Bonaparte and Kellermann following
Marengo seems to have been rather chilly. According to Bourrienne, this partial
falling out may have begun the very evening of the battle. During a 7 P.M.
discussion, Bourrienne quotes Napoleon as having said:
" Little Kellermann
made an excellent charge, and most opportunely : we owe much to him. Observe
upon what accidents affairs may depend."
Later on, when Kellermann arrived, the conversation
continued, with Napoleon purposely speaking to Kellermann in a less glowing
tone, saying:
" You made a pretty
good charge, Kellermann ;"
Then, looking over to Bessieres, who commanded the horse
grenadiers, he said:
" Bessieres, the
guards covered themselves in glory."
Bessieres' horse guards had not been involved in the final
charge, but they had taken part in the pursuit afterwards, scattering Austrian
cavalry in a magnificent charge of their own. Apparently though, the awkward
appearance of impropriety at this point caused more than a little ill will.
Kellermann himself was so incensed by this dry reception that he wrote to
Lasalle: "Would you believe it my friend? Bonaparte has not made me general of
division - me! who have just placed the crown upon his head!" Words to this
effect circulated around headquarters within a day after the battle, and were
caught in writing by Napoleon's postal censor.
As with Savary's writings, the accounts by Bourrienne are
full of valuable insights. First of all, one of several management techniques
used by Napoleon involved using "tough talk" when publicly dealing with even
the most successful subordinates. It worked very well with self driven and
dedicated people, but also ran the risk of alienating those who were outside of
Napoleon's clique. That Napoleon congratulated Bessieres in Kellermann's
presence may have been a devious snub aimed at Kellermann, but it was more
likely an impromptu attempt to keep Bessieres from thinking that his men
were not appreciated, hence accidentally snubbing Kellermann. After all,
Bessieres' guardsmen also contributed greatly, first as the only reserve left
on the field, and finally in the pursuit back to the Bormida River . Yet
another possibility is that when many men lay dead, especially popular generals
like Desaix, there is less tolerance with those who appear to claim credit for
themselves too soon, which may have been (rightly or wrongly) the perception
toward Kellermann that evening. Whatever the motivations behind this short but
important conversation, the end result was for these two men, Bonaparte and
Kellermann, to begin a slow process of polarization, in which information was
to be bent to their views as much as possible. This process did not manifest
itself as much while Napoleon remained in power, but after 1815, the story
changed dramatically.
The questions remain. Is Savary's detailed account about
Marengo's last moments closest to the truth? Or did Kellermann really launch
one of history's most important cavalry charges on his own initiative? Did
General Louis Desaix really request a bold cavalry attack on the flank of his
target? Or did he launch his attack simply hoping that French cavalry would
support? Most officers today would agree that in no way are the final acts
diminished just because they occurred within a standard chain of command. What
is ultimately important is that on this day these men performed incredible
feats in the line of duty. |